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Housing policy: where every party stands

About a third of New Zealand households rent, and home ownership is at its lowest rate since 1951. These five questions separate the parties most sharply on housing.

Rent rules, state house building, help for first-home buyers, and whether to loosen planning rules to build more. All positions last verified 13 August 2026.

Annual rent increases should be capped at around 2%, and landlords should not be able to evict without a reason.

About one in three NZ households rent. A cap limits how fast rent can rise; 'no-cause' evictions let a landlord end a tenancy without giving a reason.

What this means in practice

A rent cap sets a legal maximum on how much a landlord can raise the rent each year, the Greens propose 2%. 'No-cause' eviction means a landlord can end a periodic tenancy without giving a reason, which the previous government removed and the current one restored.

Supporters say

  • Rent rises have outpaced wages; a cap gives tenants predictability and stops rent being used to push people out.
  • Without a reason required for eviction, tenants are afraid to ask for repairs.
  • Housing is a necessity, and other necessities are regulated too.

Opponents say

  • Caps discourage new rental supply, and less supply means higher rents for anyone looking.
  • Landlords may screen tenants harder, disadvantaging exactly the people the policy is meant to help.
  • It can lock people into homes that no longer suit them, because moving means paying the market rate.

The government should build tens of thousands of new state and public houses.

The Greens propose 40,000 public homes over five years. Others prefer to support community housing providers or leave building to the private market.

  • ACT

    Strongly opposes

    Opposed, argues the shortage is caused by planning rules, and that the state should free up land rather than build.

    ACT: On Kāinga Ora and social housing
  • Greens

    Strongly supports

    Campaigning to build 40,000 new public homes over five years, delivered partly through a new Ministry of Green Works.

    Green Party: Manifesto 2026
  • Labour

    Supports

    Would raise the Crown guarantee for community housing providers' social bonds to get more homes built, a smaller-scale approach than the Greens'.

    Labour: Our Policies
  • National

    Opposes

    Prefers planning reform and community housing providers to large-scale state building, and has reduced Kāinga Ora's build programme.

    Beehive: Kāinga Ora turnaround plan
  • NZ First

    Mixed / no clear position

    No large public-build commitment; focused instead on Crown co-investment to get first-home buyers into private ownership.

    interest.co.nz: NZ First's first-home co-investment idea
  • Te Pāti Māori

    Strongly supports

    Wants a major expansion of public and affordable housing, plus easier home-building on Māori and ancestral land.

    Te Pāti Māori: Policy

What this means in practice

Public housing is owned by the government (through Kāinga Ora) or by registered community housing providers, and rented to people on low incomes at below-market rents, usually capped at a share of income. This asks whether the state should build a lot more of it directly.

Supporters say

  • The private market has not delivered enough affordable homes, and waiting lists are long.
  • Building through a downturn keeps construction workers employed and materials cheaper.
  • Public homes are permanently affordable, unlike subsidies that get capitalised into prices.

Opponents say

  • Large state building programmes have a track record of cost overruns.
  • Community providers and iwi often deliver the same homes more cheaply.
  • Borrowing billions adds to debt servicing costs that fall on all taxpayers.

Landlords should be able to deduct mortgage interest as a business expense before paying tax on rental income.

Between 2021 and 2025 residential landlords were the one industry that could not deduct its biggest cost before being taxed. The current government reversed that, and full deductibility returned from the 2025/26 tax year.

  • ACT

    Strongly supports

    Strongly supports deductibility, treating the 2021 removal as an arbitrary tax on one industry.

    ACT: We will end Labour's war on landlords
  • Greens

    Strongly opposes

    Would remove interest deductibility for residential landlords again, arguing the tax break inflates house prices and costs billions.

    NZ Herald: Green Party housing policy
  • Labour

    Mixed / no clear position

    No decided position. Labour removed deductibility in government but says it has not decided whether to reinstate the removal, and will confirm when it releases its fiscal plan.

    Labour: Our Policies
  • National

    Strongly supports

    Restored full interest deductibility in government, phasing it back to 100% from 1 April 2025, arguing landlords should be taxed like any other business.

    Interest deductibility rules, 2021–2026
  • NZ First

    Strongly supports

    Supported restoring deductibility as part of the coalition's tax changes.

    Interest deductibility rules, 2021–2026
  • Te Pāti Māori

    Strongly opposes

    Opposes tax advantages for property investors, arguing they push home ownership further out of reach for whānau.

    Te Pāti Māori: Policy

What this means in practice

Businesses normally deduct their costs before paying tax on profit. Between 2021 and 2025, residential landlords were the exception: Labour stopped them deducting mortgage interest, so they paid tax on rent without subtracting their biggest expense. The current government reversed that, and from the 2025/26 year landlords can deduct 100% again.

Supporters say

  • Landlords compete with first-home buyers for the same houses; the tax break tilts the field toward the investor.
  • It costs the government billions a year that could fund something else.
  • Housing should be treated as somewhere to live first and an investment second.

Opponents say

  • Every other business deducts its costs before being taxed, singling out one industry is arbitrary.
  • In a tight rental market the cost lands on tenants as higher rent, not on landlords.
  • It discourages exactly the people who supply rental housing, when rentals are already scarce.

It should be quicker and easier to get houses and roads built, even if neighbours get less say and there are fewer environmental checks.

The Resource Management Act is being replaced. The real question is how much weight the new system gives to environmental protection and neighbours' objections, against getting homes and infrastructure built faster.

  • ACT

    Strongly supports

    Central housing policy, argues planning restrictions are the root cause of unaffordable housing, and backed the Regulatory Standards Act to constrain rule-making.

    Regulatory Standards Act 2025
  • Greens

    Strongly opposes

    Opposed, would revoke consents granted under the Fast-track Approvals Act and supports density near transport rather than weakening environmental protection.

    Green Party: Manifesto 2026
  • Labour

    Opposes

    Supported urban density reform in government but opposes the coalition's fast-track ministerial powers, and would repeal the Regulatory Standards Act within 100 days.

    Regulatory Standards Act 2025
  • National

    Strongly supports

    Replacing the RMA with a new planning system and passed the Fast-track Approvals Act to let ministers approve major projects outside normal consenting.

    National: Budget 2026
  • NZ First

    Strongly supports

    Its published policy commits to a special economic zone at Marsden Point with relief from planning rules, and its resources minister has pushed to move fast-track consenting to a more development-focused body.

    NZ First: Our Policy
  • Te Pāti Māori

    Strongly opposes

    Opposed, argues fast-track consenting removes the scrutiny and Tiriti consultation that major projects should face.

    Te Pāti Māori: Policy

What this means in practice

The Resource Management Act governs what can be built where, and who gets to object. It's being replaced. The real question is how much weight the new system gives to environmental protection and to neighbours' objections, versus getting houses and infrastructure built quickly.

Supporters say

  • Consenting is slow and expensive, and that cost ends up in the price of every new house.
  • Neighbours objecting to density is a major reason cities can't grow.
  • Infrastructure the country badly needs is delayed for years by process.

Opponents say

  • The rules protect rivers, coastlines and habitat that don't recover once lost.
  • Fast-tracking concentrates decisions in ministers' hands with less scrutiny.
  • Sprawl pushes long-term infrastructure costs, roads, pipes, buses, onto councils and ratepayers.

There are too many rules on landlords, and the cost ends up in the rent.

Proposals on the table include a 'rental warrant of fitness' requiring independent inspection before a property can be rented, and a public register of landlords. The counter-argument is that each added rule raises the cost of renting out a home.

What this means in practice

Healthy Homes standards already require rentals to meet minimum heating, insulation, ventilation and drainage rules. A 'warrant of fitness' would go further, independent inspection and certification before a property can be rented, and a public register would make landlords identifiable.

Supporters say

  • Cold, damp housing makes people sick, and the health system picks up the bill.
  • Standards only mean something if someone actually checks.
  • A register lets tenants and councils identify who is responsible for a property.

Opponents say

  • Each new rule adds cost that ends up in the rent.
  • Inspection regimes are bureaucratic and slow to arrange.
  • Most landlords are individuals with one property, not professional operators.

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