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Method

How this works

A tool that tells people how to think about their vote should be able to show its working. Here's all of it, including what we got wrong on the first attempt and where this thing is still weak.

37questionsacross six policy areas
222party positionseach with a source and date
6parties scoredeveryone in Parliament
0AI or black boxessame answers, same result
  1. 01

    Answer

    37 statements on a five-point scale, from strongly disagree to strongly agree. Skip anything.

  2. 02

    Weigh

    Mark how much each issue matters: half, normal or double. Only you decide what counts most.

  3. 03

    Compare

    Each answer is set against 6 parties' published positions, 222 in total, every one sourced.

  4. 04

    Result

    A percentage match with every party, a sector-by-sector breakdown and your place on the spectrum.

The short version

You answer up to 37 statements on a five-point scale and say how much each issue matters. For every statement we hold a position for each of the six parliamentary parties, on the same five-point scale, taken from their published policy. We compare your answer with theirs, weight it by how much you said it mattered, and average across everything you answered. That's your alignment score.

There is no AI, no model and no black box. The same answers always give the same result. Every number can be traced to a specific question and a specific published party position.

How questions were chosen

Six sectors, at least five questions each, so no topic is left out just because it generated fewer headlines. As parties announce policy during the campaign, questions are added to the sector they belong to, so some sectors now carry more than five. That means sectors are not weighted identically: a sector with seven questions counts for slightly more of your overall score than one with five. The sector breakdown on your results page shows each sector separately.

Questions per policy area
Economy, Tax & Cost of Living
8
Housing & Renting
7
Health & Education
6
Climate, Energy & Environment
6
Law, Order & Justice
5
Te Tiriti, Rights & Immigration
5

Statements were chosen to separate the parties. A question everyone agrees on tells you nothing about who to vote for, so questions where all six parties held the same position were cut. Several statements deliberately cut across the usual left-right line: immigration, state ownership of banks and power companies, and the superannuation age all split the blocs in ways that surprise people.

How party positions were sourced

Every position follows three rules:

−2 / +2

Strongly opposes / supports

Needs an explicit published commitment: a manifesto line, policy page or reported announcement.

−1 / +1

Opposes / supports

Direction is clear from published material or voting record, without a commitment to that exact measure.

0

Mixed or no clear position

Exactly that, and the note says which. We don't guess.

All 222 positions are published in full, with their sources and verification dates, on the where every party stands page. Each carries its own check date, and they are re-checked as parties release policy before 7 November.

The scoring maths

Your answer and the party's position are both numbers from −2 (strongly disagree) to +2 (strongly agree), so the furthest apart you can be is 4. For each question:

agreement = 1 − |your answer − their position| ÷ 4
Worked example: one question
Strongly disagree-2Disagree-1Neutral0Agree+1Strongly agree+23 steps apartPYou
agreement = 1 − 3 ÷ 4 = 0.25(a perfect match is 1, total opposition is 0)

Each question is then multiplied by its weight, and the whole thing is averaged:

raw = Σ(agreement × weight) ÷ Σ(weight)
How much each answer counts
×0.5
Not muchcounts half
×1
Normalcounts once
×2
A lotcounts double
×0
Skippedcounts nothing

One more step matters, and it is the difference between a fair result and a rigged one. Parties do not all have the same range available to them. A party that takes firm positions can score 0 against someone who disagrees with all of them. A party whose positions are mixed or undeclared cannot, because “no position” is never far from any answer: on this bank Labour's lowest possible score was 22% while ACT's was 2%. So each party is stretched across the range it can actually occupy:

alignment = (raw − floor) ÷ (1 − floor) × 100
Why each party is rescaled to its own range

Before: raw distance

Labourlowest possible 22%
ACTlowest possible 2%

After: 0% to 100% for everyone

Labourlowest possible 0%
ACTlowest possible 0%

A party with vague positions can never score near zero, so raw scores reward vagueness. Stretching every party across the range it can reach makes 0% and 100% mean the same thing for all of them.

Floor is the score that party would get from someone who disagreed with it as strongly as the scale allows, calculated from the same questions you answered and the same weights you gave them. Scores are not otherwise massaged to make the winner look decisive, so 50% still means you agreed with that party about as often as you disagreed, and if the top two are within 3 points the result page calls it a tie rather than picking one.

The spectrum chart

Each question carries a coefficient for two axes: economic (state to market) and social (progressive to traditional). Your position is the weighted sum of your answers against those coefficients, normalised to a −10 to +10 range. Crucially, the party dots go through the identical function, using their own stances at equal weight. No party is hand-placed. Here is where that calculation puts them:

More stateMore marketTraditional / orderProgressive / libertyACTNZ FirstNationalLabourTe Pāti MāoriGreens

Shows overall position, not who matches you best. Your match is measured question by question.

YouACTGreensLabourNationalNZ FirstTe Pāti Māori
ACT+9.4, +8.8Greens-9.2, -9.3Labour-5.3, -2.7National+7.6, +6.2NZ First+5.0, +8.5Te Pāti Māori-8.2, -8.5

The chart and the percentages answer two different questions, so they can disagree, and when they do the percentage is the one to trust. Your percentage is worked out from every answer, one at a time, weighted by how much you said each issue matters. The chart compresses those same answers into two numbers, which throws away everything that doesn't load onto one of the two axes.

Party dots are fixed, placed from each party's own stances at equal weight, because a party has no view about which issues matter most to you. Your dot moves with your importance ratings.

How we test for our own bias

A quiz like this can be slanted without anyone intending it, just by writing more statements where “agree” happens to be the left-wing or right-wing answer. Balance is measured every time the questions change, and these checks have to pass before anything is published:

  • Agreeing with every statement leaves you near the centre on both axes.
  • Statements favouring each bloc stay within a set tolerance.
  • Answering exactly like a party returns that party first, at 100%.
  • No party's average stance across the bank is extreme.
  • Every position carries an explanation, a source and a check date.
Which bloc “agree” favours, across the bank
15 left
21 right

Published as it stands, not rounded to look even. The first draft leaned the other way (18 left to 12 right) and was rewritten.

This caught a real problem. The first version of the question bank leaned left economically: someone agreeing with everything came out at −3.3 on the economic axis, and 18 of 30 statements favoured the left bloc against 12 for the right. Four statements were rewritten so that agreeing is the right-leaning answer, the same facts framed from the other direction. Since then the bank has moved the other way as campaign policy was added. We publish that number rather than claim a balance the bank does not have.

“How representative is this?”

This is the first question researchers ask, and it needs a straight answer: NZVoteCheck is not a survey. There is no sample and no population estimate. One person answers, and we compare their answers to party policy. That doesn't make the concern wrong; it points at three different things.

1. Coverage

A 37-question web tool in English under-serves people who are older, rural, on poor connections, not confident online, disabled, or who don't read English easily. The site runs on slow connections, is keyboard-navigable and labels its chart for screen readers. It is still a website, and still in English.

2. No aggregates

Self-selected quiz results are not a poll. We publish no statistics about how people answered, and any “NZVoteCheck says the country is X” claim is something we did not say.

3. Measurement error

The honest margin of error is how fragile your result is. Across 4,000 simulated answer sets, 43% landed within 3 points of a tie.
97.7%correct party for consistent answersparty platforms with up to 12 of 30 answers randomised
43%of random answer sets end near a tiewhich is why close scores are shown as a tie

In plain terms: if you have a consistent worldview, the result is reliable. If your views genuinely straddle several parties, the percentages will sit close together, and that closeness is the signal.

The moderate-party advantage, and how we removed it

Scoring by agreement distance structurally favours parties with middling positions. A party with a moderate or undeclared stance is never far from any answer. Almost no tool like this discloses that, so here is what it did to this one and what we did about it.

Feed the quiz random answers: how often does each party come top?

Before the fix

Labour58%
ACT3%

After the fix

All six parties14% to 19%

The black line is a perfectly even result, 16.7% each. After the fix every party sits within a few points of it.

With no real person involved, every party should come top about as often as any other. Under plain distance scoring Labour came top 58% of the time and ACT 3%, simply because Labour had the least committal set of positions. Rescaling each party across its own range fixed it at the source, without blunting the tool: a voter built from a party's own platform with nine of thirty answers randomised is still matched to that party about 99% of the time.

We changed the maths rather than the questions on purpose. Tilting the question set to compensate would have meant introducing a second bias to cancel the first.

How the importance weighting works

26.8%of simulations changed top partywhen importance ratings varied
~2 ptsaverage score movementfrom importance alone

Each question can count half, once or double. The weight multiplies both the agreement and the total, so it shifts the balance between questions rather than inflating any score. Marking everything “a lot” is mathematically identical to marking everything “normal”: weighting only does something when you distinguish between issues.

How good are the sources, really?

“Every position is cited” only means something if the citation actually supports the claim. An early version leaned heavily on generic policy index pages, and in several cases that page didn't contain the policy area at all. Positions have since been re-sourced against specific manifesto pages, press releases, reported announcements and the legislative record, and every source is tiered.

Distinct sources per party
NZ First
12
ACT
11
National
10
Labour
8
Greens
7
Te Pāti Māori
4
Primary: the party's own materialReported: news of an announcementRecord: legislation or government releaseSecondary: used only when nothing better exists

Te Pāti Māori is the remaining weak spot: most of its positions rest on its own policy page, because that page is genuinely its main published statement and carries less sector-by-sector detail than other parties' material. We'd rather say that plainly than pad the citation list.

Known limitations

Two axes can't hold everything

The Greens and Te Pāti Māori land close together because they agree on most questions in the bank. What most distinguishes them, constitutional transformation and tino rangatiratanga as the organising priority, isn't an axis. We didn't spread them apart artificially.

Policy isn't the only reason to vote

This measures agreement with published policy. It says nothing about competence, track record, coalition partners or your local candidate, all legitimate reasons to vote differently.

Positions move

Parties release policy right up to election day. Each position carries the date it was last checked. Anything stale is a bug, so tell us.

Parties we left out

Only the six parties in Parliament are scored. That is a real limitation, not a neutral choice:
  • The Opportunity Party (TOP), Polling strongly enough to enter Parliament: 7% in the 1News-Verian poll of 1 to 5 October 2026 and 5.5% in the RNZ-Reid Research poll taken to 1 October. It is excluded for one reason only, and not a political one. We re-checked its published policy against our 37 questions on 9 October 2026 and found a citable position on 17. The other 20, including oil and gas, mining, sentencing, police, gangs, rent rules, charter schools, the Māori seats and every immigration question, have no published Opportunity position. Scoring a party on 20 blanks would not be neutral: a blank behaves like a neutral answer, so Opportunity would out-match every other party for almost every user as an effect of the maths, not a fact about politics. What it has published is set out on its own Opportunity Party policies page, with sources. We will add it to the quiz the moment its published policy covers enough of the bank, and this note will say so.
  • Outdoors & Freedom, Legalise Cannabis, Animal Justice, and other registered parties, Currently polling below 1% with limited published policy across all six sectors. Scoring them would mean inferring positions we cannot cite, which would undermine the rest of the tool.

Your privacy

Scoring runs entirely in your browser. Answers are kept on your device so you can come back, and they're encoded into the share link if you choose to share one. There is no account and no login. At the end of the quiz, a sharing box above the “see my results” button is ticked by default. The tool works identically if you untick it.

Stored, only if the box is ticked

  • Your answers
  • Your resulting scores
  • Background details you chose to give
  • Which version of the questions you answered

Never stored

  • Your name or email
  • Your IP address
  • Your browser or device
  • Your location
  • Anything that links a response to you

Because we can't identify your response, we also can't retrieve or delete an individual one on request. That is a deliberate trade: it is the reason the data is safe. Political opinions are sensitive information under the Privacy Act 2020, which is why this is anonymous by construction and disclosed at the moment it happens.

Independence

NZVoteCheck is not affiliated with, funded by, or endorsed by any political party, candidate, or lobby group. The site's own colours were picked specifically to avoid every party's brand colours, so the design itself doesn't nudge anyone. More on who built it is on the about page.

Now see it work on your own answers

37 questions on the issues in this election. Five minutes, free, no sign-up, and every party position links to its source.